Westminster Central Hall is scheduled to be jumping a fortnight today with all 2,200 seats already booked by People's Assembly Against Austerity delegates and a thousand more expected. writes John Haylett in the Morning Star.

Despite police willingness to close the road outside Central Hall to allow marquees to accommodate the huge spillover numbers, Tory Westminster County Council is dragging its feet.
MPs, London Assembly members and local councillors have written urging the council to reconsider its previous refusal to facilitate the conference.
As People's Assembly co-ordinator Sam Fairbairn says, "This is not just a civil liberties issue, it's a safety issue and a potential public order issue."
Public pressure on Westminster has to ensure that the council's political hostility to the assembly does not translate into denial of delegates' rights to freedom of expression and assembly.
However, there is another cloud on the assembly horizon - a political cloud, in the wake of Ed Miliband's welfare speech in Newham.
The People's Assembly, with its clear, non-sectarian vision of an alternative to austerity, has seized the imagination of trade unionists and anti-cuts campaigners in a way that no other organisation has proved capable of.
Local pre-June 22 rallies have seen 400 people in Nottingham, 200 in Newcastle, 700 in Manchester, 400 in Bristol and impressive turnouts elsewhere, all uniting in opposition to cuts and the need for investment in housing, jobs and our economy.
Trade unions have been to the fore in this steadily growing campaign, providing funds, personnel and the level-headed stability that sets most union-supported initiatives apart from those controlled by small leftist groups.
Unions are in a difficult situation. They see the effect of austerity on their members and know that the worst of the cuts are still to come from the conservative coalition in Parliament.
It is no longer a matter, if it ever was, of simply paying down the deficit and getting the country's finances in order.
Green MP Caroline Lucas nailed it in her contribution at the Brighton People's Assembly rally, telling her audience that the private banking debacle had brought "a crisis for us but an opportunity for the Tories to shrink the state."
Shrinking the state is not a new departure. Nor is it restricted to Tories and Liberal Democrats.
It is part of the neoliberal orthodoxy enunciated by Milton Friedman and his Chicago school of economics, first imposed on the Chilean people after the Pinochet military coup and then espoused by Margaret Thatcher's government in the 1980s.
The dogma of a slimmed-down state, reduced direct taxation, privatisation, restrictions on trade unionism and individualism was adopted by new Labour, albeit with "communitiarian" amendments to temper the spread of mass poverty.
Under Blair and Brown, the poorest in society had a safety net while the gap between rich and poor was allowed to widen.
Fast forward from Blair-Brown to Ed Miliband, from new Labour to one-nation Labour, as the opposition leader seeks to project an alternative vision to the government's, heading a parliamentary Labour party still wedded in the majority to new Labour.
Miliband's political strength is that he was returned as party leader by the concerted backing of affiliated trade unionists when most MPs backed his new-Labour-to-the-core brother David.
However, this strength can also present itself as a weakness when the right-wing media, both conservative and liberal, portrays him as a creature of "union bosses" - a parody but nonetheless effective for all that.
The media onslaught constrains him, with, no doubt, assiduous encouragement from new Labour die-hards, to assert his independence from the unions.
It also means that union leaders are inclined to bite their tongue before criticising Miliband and to accord his policy statements a warmer welcome than is always merited.
That was the case this week with the Labour leader's welfare speech in east London which PCS general secretary Mark Serwotka was correct to characterise as being set "in the context of austerity, parroting the Tories' divisive striver-versus-skivers rhetoric."
Other union leaders, including Unite's Len McCluskey, Paul Kenny of GMB and Mick Whelan of Aslef, chose to accentuate the positives in Miliband's speech, especially his references to housing benefit as a subsidy to private landlords and the need to build more houses.
They also welcomed his call for companies to pay a living wage to reduce the need for working families tax credits.
However, McCluskey's caveat that Labour has to "firm up" Miliband's comments on "the jobs guarantee, action on demeaning, insecure work and a drive to embed the living wage" underlines the key problem.
Investment in employment and low-rent housing has to be paid for.
It is inconsistent with the slimmed-down state concept and with minimal taxation of high incomes, corporate profits and accumulated wealth.
Government borrowing is the only alternative to making those who have lived off the fat of the land - or, more accurately, exploitation of workers' labour - during the neoliberal years pay for economic recovery.
Miliband's one-nation Labour is paralysed by coalition jibes about "borrow and spend" policies and will need sympathetic but firm pressure from his trade union supporters to dump the austerity agenda and move beyond vague generalisations to real social change.